Congress Rejects HIV Cuts, But Flat Funding Won't End the Epidemic

As of this writing, the FY2026 Labor, Health and Human Services appropriations bill awaits final passage. The Senate is expected to pass the package Friday night, with the House voting Monday evening. A brief partial shutdown through the weekend appears unavoidable. The following analysis assumes the legislation passes as currently written.

After a year of proposed cuts that created significant uncertainty for HIV programs and the communities they serve, Congress has negotiated a spending package that maintains current funding levels while falling short of what ending the epidemic requires. The bill, released January 20, 2026, rejects over $1.7 billion in proposed cuts and preserves funding for Ryan White, the Ending the HIV Epidemic initiative, and CDC prevention programs. It also includes the first major pharmacy benefit manager (PBM) reforms in Medicare Part D in nearly two decades, a development with significant implications for patient access to HIV and hepatitis C medications.

Yet flat funding cannot meet growing demands, particularly as long-acting therapeutics promise to transform HIV prevention and care for those who need them most. In an environment where maintaining the status quo requires extraordinary effort, advocates must reckon with an uncomfortable truth: the status quo is not enough to end the epidemic.

What Was at Stake

The path to this appropriations package has been fraught, to say the least. In May 2025, the Trump administration proposed $31.3 billion in cuts to the Department of Health and Human Services, including a 40% reduction to NIH and the consolidation of its 27 institutes into eight. The proposal called for eliminating HIV prevention programs entirely and restructuring HHS agencies, including folding SAMHSA (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration) into a new "Administration for a Healthy America."

The House Appropriations Committee's September 2025 bill embraced much of this vision. It provided zero funding for CDC HIV prevention programs, proposed cutting the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program by 20%, and would have eliminated the Ending the HIV Epidemic initiative completely. CDC funding faced a nearly 20% reduction overall.

The final package represents a decisive rejection of these proposals. Congress preserved the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program at $2.6 billion, maintained the Ending the HIV Epidemic initiative at $165 million, and funded CDC HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis, STDs, and TB Prevention at $1.384 billion. The Minority HIV/AIDS Fund received $56 million. The bill closely tracks the bipartisan Senate proposal that advanced from committee in July 2025, a predictable outcome given the Senate's historical role as a moderating force on appropriations. The Administration's proposed cuts and the House bill were never likely to survive a bicameral process intact, but their existence created uncertainty that disrupted planning and strained already stretched public health infrastructure throughout the year.

Flat Funding Is Not Progress

Preserving current funding levels is not the same as meeting current needs. The American Academy of HIV Medicinedescribed the bill as presenting "a mixed picture for domestic HIV programs," noting that level funding will not achieve the goals set forth in the Ending the HIV Epidemic plan launched during the first Trump administration or address a rise in HIV transmission outbreaks as we’ve seen in Maine and New York.

The timing makes this particularly frustrating. Long-acting injectable treatments and prevention options are transforming what is possible in HIV care. Lenacapavir for PrEP offers twice-yearly dosing. Long-acting cabotegravir and rilpivirine provide monthly or bimonthly treatment options for people who struggle with daily pills or face adherence barriers. These innovations could reach people who have historically fallen through the cracks of our prevention and treatment infrastructure, but scaling them requires investment that flat funding cannot provide.

Prevention initiatives, workforce development, training programs, and the rollout of new innovations are particularly vulnerable under current funding levels. Without targeted investment, long-acting options will remain inaccessible to people in Medicaid-dependent, rural, and underserved areas. The tools exist to end HIV as a public health threat. The political will to fund their deployment does not.

Within the broader infectious disease category, the bill sends mixed signals. Viral hepatitis prevention received a $3 million increase to $46 million, one of the few areas to see any growth. STI prevention, by contrast, took a $10 million cut to $164 million. While provisional 2024 data shows overall STI cases declining for the third consecutive year, reported syphilis cases and congenital syphilis remain at historically high levels, with continued increases in some demographics. Cutting prevention funding while these disparities persist is shortsighted.

Harm Reduction: Evidence Ignored

The bill's approach to harm reduction reveals a troubling gap between public health evidence and legislative ideology. Section 525 maintains the longstanding prohibition on using federal funds to purchase sterile needles or syringes, with a narrow exception for jurisdictions experiencing or at risk for HIV or hepatitis outbreaks. This reactive approach undermines prevention and contradicts the government's own evidence base.

The VA, in a December 2025 analysis of its harm reduction programs, described syringe services programs as "one of the most effective public health interventions ever devised," noting they decrease new HIV and HCV infections by up to 67% and increase the likelihood of achieving abstinence five-fold. The VA further emphasized that these programs "do not enable or increase drug use, nor do they cause increases in crime."

The appropriations bill ignores this evidence. Report language frames harm reduction through an abstinence-first lens, elevating the administration's efforts to "prioritize prevention, treatment, and long-term recovery." This framing treats harm reduction and recovery as opposing forces when the evidence shows they are complementary. Meeting people where they are is essential to eventually connecting them with treatment. Restricting proven interventions on ideological grounds costs lives.

The bill does maintain substance use disorder treatment funding, with SAMHSA receiving $7.44 billion (a $65 million increase), State Opioid Response Grants at $1.6 billion, and CARA First Responder Training at $59 million. These investments matter. But they would matter more if paired with evidence-based harm reduction that keeps people alive long enough to access treatment.

PBM Reform: A Genuine Win With Implementation Risks

The inclusion of pharmacy benefit manager reforms represents a genuine policy achievement and the first major PBM reform in Medicare Part D in nearly 20 years. For people living with HIV and hepatitis C who depend on specialty medications, these provisions could meaningfully improve access and reduce costs.

The reforms target the opaque practices that have allowed PBMs to profit at the expense of patients and plan sponsors. Beginning in 2028, PBM compensation in Medicare Part D will be delinked from drug list prices, eliminating the perverse incentive to favor higher-priced medications. PBMs will be required to pass through 100% of manufacturer rebates and fees to plan sponsors. The bill bans spread pricing in Medicaid, where PBMs have profited by charging plans more than they reimburse pharmacies. CMS receives $188 million for implementation and new authority to define and enforce "reasonable and relevant" contract terms between Part D plans and pharmacies.

The transparency provisions are equally significant. PBMs must report pricing information, including all rebates negotiated with manufacturers, directly to plan sponsors and HHS. For PBMs with affiliated mail-order or specialty pharmacies, the bill requires disclosure of any benefit design parameters that steer prescriptions to those pharmacies. This addresses a core concern: vertically integrated PBMs using formulary placement and prior authorization requirements to drive volume to their own pharmacies at the expense of patient choice and community pharmacy access.

For people living with HIV, the stakes are concrete. Specialty HIV medications flow through PBM-controlled channels that have historically lacked transparency around rebates, formulary decisions, and pharmacy reimbursement. The reforms create mechanisms to challenge contract terms that effectively exclude community pharmacies or impose unreasonable administrative burdens. The appeals process for pharmacies to dispute terms that fail the "reasonable and relevant" standard could prove particularly important for independent and specialty pharmacies serving HIV populations.

The risk, as always, lies in implementation and industry adaptation. PBMs have proven adept at restructuring their business practices to maintain margins when regulations target specific revenue streams. The provisions take effect in 2028 for Medicare and 2029 for pharmacy contract standards, giving industry ample time to identify workarounds. Advocates should watch for attempts to shift costs to patients through benefit design changes, or to game the "reasonable and relevant" standard through contract terms that are technically compliant but practically exclusionary. The history of PBM regulation is a history of regulatory arbitrage, and vigilance will be required to ensure these reforms deliver their intended benefits.

Structural Protections and Access Provisions

Beyond funding levels, the bill includes important structural provisions. It rejects the administration's proposed HHS restructuring and requires the Secretary to provide detailed justification to Congress at least 60 days before any reorganization affecting CDC functions. Grant terminations now require three days' advance notice to appropriations committees. These guardrails matter in an environment where administrative action has disrupted programs faster than legislative oversight can respond.

The package extends Medicare telehealth waivers through December 31, 2027, maintains community health center funding at $4.6 billion plus bridge funding, and delays Medicaid disproportionate share hospital cuts until September 2028. These provisions support healthcare access in underserved communities where HIV and viral hepatitis programs depend on functioning safety-net infrastructure.

The Work Ahead

Assuming the bill passes as expected, funding appropriated is not funding effectively deployed. The same administration that proposed eliminating these programs will now oversee their implementation. How HHS manages grant administration, staffing, and program guidance will determine whether level funding translates into maintained services or quiet erosion. The bill's requirements for advance notice on grant terminations and reorganization plans provide some guardrails, but vigilance will be required.

The United States has the tools to end HIV as a public health threat. Long-acting prevention and treatment options could reach people who daily pills cannot. Harm reduction keeps people alive and connected to care. Ryan White and the EHE initiative provide the programmatic infrastructure. What we lack is the political will to fund these efforts at the scale required and the moral clarity to implement evidence-based policy over ideological preference.

Flat funding is not progress. It is a holding pattern in an environment where holding ground required effort. The work ahead is ensuring these programs are implemented effectively while continuing to push for the investment these programs actually need. The fight for adequate funding, evidence-based policy, and equitable access continues.

Collateral Damage: How Shutdown Politics Abandons Survivors at the Margins

October is Domestic Violence Awareness Month - but in 2025, awareness is no longer enough. Across the United States, people living with HIV (PLWH), hepatitis C (HCV), and substance-use disorders (SUD) are facing a convergence of crises where intimate partner violence (IPV) amplifies every barrier to care. At the same time, the U.S. Department of Justice’s grant programs - lifelines that help survivors achieve viral suppression, complete HCV treatment, and sustain recovery - are being systematically dismantled after three decades of bipartisan progress.

The numbers tell a story every HIV provider knows. One in four people living with HIV (26.3%) has experienced intimate partner violence. When abusive partners prevent medication adherence, sabotage appointments, or create chaos that interrupts treatment, survivors show 36 percent lower odds of achieving viral suppression than those without IPV histories. Women carry a disproportionate burden, but men with IPV history face nearly triple the HIV prevalence of men without, and transgender people report lifetime IPV rates between 31 and 50 percent while experiencing 66 times higher HIV prevalence than the general population.

For HCV, the overlap is even tighter. Sixty-eight percent of women who inject drugs have HCV, and 40 to 60 percent of domestic-violence cases involve substance use. These aren’t parallel epidemics - they’re feedback loops. Violence undermines treatment; HIV or HCV status becomes a weapon of control; trauma drives relapse. Each condition magnifies the others, and when federal support for survivor-centered programs collapses, the entire structure of prevention and recovery begins to unravel.

The Bidirectional Syndemic

The relationship between intimate partner violence and HIV is both brutally direct and insidiously complex. Women in abusive relationships face a 48% higher likelihood of HIV infection than those in non-abusive relationships. Abusive partners often sabotage safer-sex practices - research shows that condom negotiation attempts frequently trigger coercion or violence. Among people living with HIV, 24% of women experience abuse after disclosing their status, and those reporting recent gender-based violence are significantly less consistent in condom use. Gay men report 26% lifetime IPV prevalence, underscoring that control operates across gender and orientation.

The link to hepatitis C exposes another layer of risk. In relationships where both partners inject drugs, power imbalances determine who controls access, dosing, and the act of injection itself. Partners with more control may withhold drugs to induce withdrawal or insist on injecting the other, reinforcing dependence and exposure. Violence-related bleeding raises the odds of HCV infection 5.5-fold, what researchers call “a previously unrecognized mechanism for HCV transmission.” Among women who inject drugs, 60% report receptive syringe sharing, a behavior shaped by depression and low self-esteem resulting from abuse.

Trauma also drives substance use itself. Eighty percent of women in drug treatment report lifetime sexual or physical assault. Reductions in PTSD severity correspond to four-fold decreases in substance use, while the reverse is rarely true - reinforcing the self-medication model in which survivors use substances to cope with violence.

This syndemic runs both ways. HIV, HCV, and substance-use disorders not only result from domestic violence - they also increase vulnerability to it. Nearly one-third of people living with HIV experience violence following serodisclosure, including coercion, control, and financial or sexual exploitation. Nearly one-third of survivors report that partners deliberately withheld essential medication, from HIV antiretrovirals to HCV or opioid-use-disorder treatments, weaponizing care itself as a means of control.

When Laws Become Weapons

HIV criminalization laws in 32 states create a deadly double bind for domestic violence survivors. Enacted largely between 1986 and 2000 - before modern antiretroviral therapy and long before the U=U consensus - these statutes criminalize potential exposure regardless of actual transmission, condom use, or viral suppression.

Twenty-four states require disclosure of HIV status before any sexual activity. Penalties range from 3 to 10 years in prison, extending to 25 or more in some states. At least five mandate sex-offender registration for HIV-related convictions.

The control dynamic is devastatingly simple. Disclosure can trigger violence - studies show 18% to 80% of women living with HIV experience violence after disclosing their status - yet non-disclosure remains a felony. Abusers exploit this legal trap, threatening to report partners to police or weaponizing the risk of decades-long sentences and sex offender registration as blackmail.

Research from Canada illustrates the toll: one-fifth of women living with HIV said criminalization laws increased violence in their relationships. The perverse outcomes are clear. In one documented case, a woman reported her partner for abuse, only to be charged herself after he alleged non-disclosure during a single encounter, despite a four-year relationship in which she had disclosed her status.

The 2025 Federal Funding Crisis

Hours after the government shut down on October 1, 2025, the Trump Administration furloughed staff in the Department of Justice’s grant-making offices, halting support for organizations that serve victims of domestic violence and other violent crimes. Officials cited the shutdown as the cause, but former staffers told Politico it didn’t have to be this way - these programs had operated during past shutdowns with existing funds.

“Their own contingency plan says that they have funds. So it’s a choice to say, ‘We want this to hurt,’” said Marnie Shiels, who worked 24 years in the Office on Violence Against Women (OVW). “I can’t know for sure what they’re thinking, but I very much fear that it is about a political motivation of wanting to get rid of this issue, get rid of this office, get rid of the staff.”

The furloughs followed a year of escalating disruptions. In February, OVW abruptly removed all eight fiscal-year 2025 funding notices, including a $40 million transitional-housing program that had served hundreds of survivors for nearly two decades. In April, the Department of Justice terminated more than 360 grants, cutting roughly $500 million in remaining funds and affecting hundreds of sub-awards for violence prevention, victim services, mental-health treatment, and reentry programs.

When new opportunities appeared in May, they came with expanded “out-of-scope” rules that barred activities “framing domestic violence or sexual assault as systemic social-justice issues.” The language aligned with a January 2025 executive order, “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism,” and a subsequent directive ordering agencies to remove “gender ideology” from contracts, websites, and correspondence. PEN America later documented more than 350 banned words, including gender, women, trans, LGBTQ+, diversity, and disability - effectively erasing the terminology needed to describe many of the populations these programs serve.

The effects reach beyond domestic-violence services. NIH canceled dozens of HIV-related research grants in March; five CDC HIV-prevention branches were dissolved; and hepatitis funding was cut by $77 million. Proposed reductions to the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program total $239 million.

For organizations serving survivors living with HIV, hepatitis C, or substance-use disorders, these converging cuts are existential - removing both their funding streams and, in some cases, their ability to even describe who they serve. Shiels noted that leadership had “said that they want federal employees to feel ‘trauma,’” and recalled the president’s remark that “a little fight with the wife shouldn’t be a crime.” The contrast, she said, “shows they don’t understand or care about these issues.”

The Office on Violence Against Women - created in 1995 and made independent in 2004 - has awarded more than $4.7 billion in grants since its inception, including $684 million across 880 awards in FY 2024. That bipartisan infrastructure recognized what decades of data confirm: 55 percent of women living with HIV have experienced intimate-partner violence, a link directly associated with lower care engagement, higher viral loads, and worse health outcomes.

Now, the systems built to protect those lives hang by a thread.

What We Must Do Now

The convergence of domestic violence, HIV, hepatitis C, and substance use disorders is not theoretical - it’s the reality providers see every day. Survivors’ viral loads rebound when housing instability forces them back to abusive partners. Hepatitis C treatment stalls when the only culturally competent program loses its grant. Trauma-informed care disappears, and relapse follows. The nation’s Ending the HIV Epidemic and hepatitis C elimination goals cannot succeed while survivors are forced to choose between safety and survival.

Rebuilding that safety net demands more than temporary fixes. The Department of Justice must reopen its grant-making offices - shutdown or not - and restore continuity for organizations on the front lines. Congress must fully fund these programs and eliminate restrictions that prevent them from even naming the people they serve. States must modernize or repeal HIV criminalization laws that trap survivors in violent relationships under the guise of public health.

A syndemic is not fate; it is a policy choice repeated, ignored, and justified until it becomes another fading bruise on a battered cheek. The systems we built to keep people alive are being dismantled in plain sight - not through neglect, but intent. And when government decides that survival itself is partisan, silence becomes complicity.