Aaron Rodgers' Dangerous Game
High-profile figures like New York Jets quarterback Aaron Rodgers promote dangerous conspiracies that the HIV/AIDS epidemic was government-engineered and that zidovudine (AZT), a lifesaving drug, was intended to harm patients. These falsehoods have severe consequences for public health, endangering lives and perpetuating existing stigma. An estimated 1 in 7 Americans living with HIV are unaware of their status, highlighting how celebrity-backed misinformation can deter people from seeking essential care. Despite its initial side effects, AZT was a breakthrough that paved the way for more effective treatments. Claims that it was intentionally harmful are medically inaccurate and undermine decades of HIV care progress.
A History of Distrust
Acknowledging historical failings is crucial, as the early mishandling of the AIDS crisis by the government and health institutions fueled fear and skepticism. This understandable distrust is rooted in the spread of falsehoods during the early days of the epidemic – groups like the "Heubach group" promoted the idea that HIV was a government-created hoax. These claims, though swiftly debunked by science, preyed on existing anxieties. Sadly, figures like Rodgers exploit this justified distrust, twisting it into a weapon. They promote baseless conspiracies, painting themselves as brave truth-tellers while actively eroding progress and endangering lives.
A Modern Threat
Rodgers and other celebrities wield immense influence as public figures, yet they disregard the potential consequences when they amplify harmful misinformation to vast audiences. When celebrities endorse baseless conspiracy theories, it cloaks fringe ideas in an illusion of legitimacy, jeopardizing public trust in proven medicine. Their reckless actions reveal a blatant disregard of their responsibility to prioritize evidence-based information, a choice with deadly consequences when lives hang in the balance.
Aaron Rodgers amplifies dangerous ideas surrounding HIV-related conspiracies. He has endorsed conspiracy theories about both the HIV/AIDS and COVID-19 pandemics, urging his audience to read Robert Kennedy Jr.'s book and promoting the debunked idea that AZT was intentionally harmful to patients. On the "Look Into It" podcast, he further distorted the truth by drawing a false parallel between the AIDS crisis and COVID-19: “The blueprint, the game plan, was made in the '80s. Create a pandemic with a virus that’s going wild... create an environment where only one thing works. Back then AZT; now, Remdesivir until we get a vaccine.”
Rodgers continued, expressing a cynical distrust of scientific research and the pharmaceutical industry: “I can do my own research, which was so vilified, to even question authority.” He plays into a popular but flawed narrative: the lone maverick challenging corrupt systems. Rodgers' "do your own research" approach ignores the complexities of scientific knowledge, our susceptibility to cognitive biases, and that without expertise, it's easy to misinterpret information.
Rodgers uses a common tactic seen in the spread of misinformation: he questions the integrity of science while simultaneously claiming to be persecuted for doing so. This creates a trap. He undermines trust in established institutions by preying on anxieties about authority. Then, when his claims are inevitably challenged by experts, he positions himself as a brave truth-teller being silenced by the establishment. This manufactured martyrdom only reinforces the original mistrust, further validating his position in the eyes of some followers. These dangerous falsehoods damage public health by eroding trust in the decades of medical progress that have saved countless lives.
Rodgers is part of a broader trend highlighted in the World Health Organization's 2022 infodemic report. Medical misinformation spreads rapidly across social media, exploiting societal anxieties, and can have deadly consequences. Rodgers’ endorsement of HIV/AIDS denialism is particularly harmful because his assertions tap into the fear, stigma, and systemic distrust prevalent in communities of color historically marginalized by the medical system. This creates fertile ground for misleading narratives, leading to disastrous cyclical consequences.
In case you’re of the mind that words don’t matter, a study published in European Psychologist found a 23% decrease in HIV testing in communities highly exposed to HIV denialism, signifying a direct threat to the lives of people at risk. The benefits of early diagnosis and treatment with antiretroviral therapy (ART) are well-documented, and by promoting the idea that the virus is benign or that ART is hazardous, denialists delay essential testing and care, feeding into the stigma that discourages many from seeking the help they need.
These conspiracy theories exploit vulnerabilities in our information landscape, tapping into societal anxieties and magnifying them through social media platforms that prioritize engagement over factual accuracy. This dynamic is especially perilous in health-related discourse, where misinformation can lead to fatal outcomes.
Stigma & Public Health Risk
Aaron Rodgers’ endorsement of HIV/AIDS denialism illustrates the persistent influence of health misinformation. His assertions exploit long-standing fears, stigma, and systemic mistrust, especially prevalent in communities of color historically marginalized by the medical system. These real and profound injustices make communities susceptible to misleading narratives that claim HIV is a fabrication or that lifesaving treatments are harmful, thereby perpetuating a cycle of misinformation and stigma.
According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), stigma deters many from seeking HIV testing and treatment, creating a sense of fear, judgment, and social isolation. This leads countless people to forgo life-saving medical care. This is particularly damaging to young people, as demonstrated by GLAAD's 2023 State of HIV Stigma report. It revealed a concerning generational gap: over 60% of Gen X adults consider themselves well-informed about HIV, yet only 34% of Gen Z adults say the same. A study published in The Guardian in August 2023 highlighted that teenagers are significantly more likely to believe online conspiracy theories than adults, underscoring the vulnerability of Gen Z to extremist rhetoric.
Young people’s vulnerability has serious public health implications, as those aged 13-34 account for 57% of new HIV diagnoses. The dangerous conspiracy theories promoted by Rodgers and Kennedy directly contribute to this crisis by perpetuating stigma. This disproportionately affects marginalized communities and exacerbates homophobia, transphobia, racism, and systemic inequalities.
The impact of this cycle is both profound and destructive:
Misinformation: Campaigns spread dangerous falsehoods about HIV, misleading the public about its origins, and the efficacy of treatments.
Stigma: Misinformation fosters stigma, fueled by fear, a profound distrust in medical advice, and manipulative media tactics. It discourages testing and treatment, promoting silence rather than open discussion about HIV status.
Public Health Crisis: Misinformation and stigma lead to inadequate testing, poor treatment adherence, and a decreased likelihood of status disclosure – crucial steps for stopping HIV transmission.
Stigma kills. To save lives, we must go beyond medical solutions and dismantle the harmful social barriers erected by misinformation. This requires targeted education and awareness campaigns designed specifically for Gen Z and Gen Alpha, who are most at risk.
Breaking the Cycle
The resurgence of HIV denialism is a wake-up call. Misinformation purveyors prioritize sensationalism over saving lives. People like Rodgers prey on our understandable fears and anxieties during health crises, and their disregard for the consequences of their words is inexcusable. We must hold them accountable for the harm they cause and demand better from those whose voices reach millions. It's equally important to demand better from social platforms that profit from algorithms that prioritize divisive content over truth.
As citizens, we must all become savvier consumers of information, developing critical thinking skills and fostering a healthy skepticism of emotionally charged narratives that lack credible evidence. We have allies in this fight: the CDC, reputable journalists, fact-checkers, publications, and countless dedicated researchers. By seeking out evidence-based information and supporting their efforts, we can counter misinformation and protect public health.
Let's take concrete actions:
Demand accountability: from both the purveyors of misinformation and the platforms that amplify them.
Educate ourselves: Seek out reliable sources, develop critical thinking tools, and support organizations dedicated to media literacy.
Elevate evidence-based information: Amplify the voices of credible scientific institutions and share accurate information within our circles of influence.
These actions will help dismantle the harmful cycle of misinformation and push us closer to a world where science, not fear and lies, guides our approach to ending the HIV epidemic.
Tension in Tennessee: HIV Crisis Looms
Earlier this month, Tennessee announced it would begin refusing federal funding for HIV prevention activities including surveillance activities, which monitor the progress of reducing new HIV transmissions and diagnoses as well as help identify populations and geographies disproportionately affected by HIV. The funding mechanisms targeted by the state for being rejected are known as PS 18-1802 (surveillance and prevention funding) and PS 20-2010 (supporting state health departments in Ending the HIV Epidemic). The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) announcements for recipients of these dollars show Tennessee receives about $6.2 million from PS 18-1802 and just under $2.1 million from PS 20-2010. A letter issued to subrecipients on January 17, 2023 from Dr. Pamela Talley, Medical Director of Tennessee’s HIV, STI, and Viral Hepatitis Programs, the move is supposed to “decrease its [Tennessee’s] reliance on federal funding and assume increased independence,” with an end date for those federal funds to be May 31, 2023. The same letter promises, “Other state initiatives will support all HIV prevention and surveillance staff and activities in funded metro health departments. Our goal is for new service contracts to be in place on” June 1, 2023.
It's not yet entirely clear how Tennessee will make up for the $8.3 million dollars the two funding streams offer but Governor Lee has emphasized a desire to not have “strings attached” that come with federal dollars. It’s also not clear that Tennessee can effectively have those replacement dollars and contracts in place in the less-than-six-months deadline described in the aforementioned letter.
PS 20-2010 specifically funds efforts aimed at addressing needs in Shelby County, where Memphis is situated, as a priority jurisdiction for Ending the HIV Epidemic (EHE), an initiative started under President Trump and continued by President Biden (displaying the long, historical record of bipartisan support regarding HIV). According to AIDSVu, as of 2020, 6,283 people are living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) in Shelby County, with 81.7% of those PLWHA whose race is identified are Black. The county’s rate of PLWHA is more than twice that of the state overall (819 vs 314 per 100,000) and the rate of new HIV diagnoses is nearly three times the rate of the rest of the state and the country at large (31 vs 11 per 100,000). The CDC’s dashboard to track EHE progress, known as America’s HIV Epidemic Analysis Dashboard (AHEAD), shows provisional data which indicates a decrease in new diagnoses (this does not mean fewer transmissions), a light increase in linkage to care rates (which could be explained by the decrease in new diagnoses), and a decrease in pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) coverage in years 2020-2022. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, Shelby County’s racial demographics are 54.6% Black and 40.4% white, including Hispanic white persons. Furthermore, the CDC’s 2020 analysis of counties vulnerable to HIV outbreaks included an astounding forty-two counties in Tennessee were among the two hundred twenty top counties at risk, with Hancock County, a rural area which boarders closely to Kentucky, Virginia, and North Carolina, ranks as thirteenth most likely to experience an HIV outbreak. Separately, but certainly related, local news reported a “spike” in new HIV diagnoses in Chattanooga in November 2022.
While the state says it can best manage these dollars, there’s good reason to doubt that and to doubt that this move is not ideologically driven.
For example, the state, through reports to news outlets, has said it will emphasize prevention programming on non-profits to best serve human trafficking victims, first responders, and to prevent perinatal HIV transmission from mothers to children. However, According to Tennessee’s own epidemiological report there were zero perinatal HIV transmissions in 2019. The CDC tracks certain occupational transmissions of HIV and describes the risk associated with certain situations of exposure, which few first responders even experience. To that end, even the CDC admits “occupational HIV transmission is extremely rare” on a page that tracks occupational transmissions among health care personnel, where first responders of ilk are most likely to be at risk. According to the CDC’s page dedicated to occupational transmission, only 58 cases of confirmed occupational transmission have ever been reported in the US, with an additional 150 possible transmissions reported to the agency. Yet and still, since 1999, only one confirmed occupational transmission has occurred among health care personnel. As for human trafficking victims, there’s a bit more opacity there. Likely, those victims are already well-served by those entities already contracted by the current funding mechanisms tied to federal dollars. Limiting or shifting those resources away from well-established service providers risks harming the communities served, reducing access to care, and might run up a pre-existing injunction.
Planned Parenthood just so happens to be one of the contracted service providers for the state and has already run up against the state attempting to strip funding from the entity. In 2012, Judge William Haynes issued an injunction against the state of Tennessee from attempting to stop HIV prevention dollars going to the provider. At the core of the issue, the state through then-Governor Haslam, who committed to defunding Planned Parenthood and public statements to that effect were submitted as evidence of animus against the entity’s First Amendment protected speech and advocacy, sought to refuse grant renewal with Planned Parenthood. Planned Parenthood had responded to a request for proposals (RFP) for these dollars and had previously scored well in the grant application to independent grant reviewers at United Way, the state’s assigned administrative agent for distributing the federal awards. Planned Parenthood also had a successful track record of meeting the grant deliverables associated with the funding, which was mostly centered around condom distribution. Judge Haynes found the state did not have just cause for refusing to continue contracting with Planned Parenthood, given their score, past success with the same funding, and because Planned Parenthood’s “clientele and communities will lose important public health services on matters of grave public health concern.” The injunction still exists today, though it was issued in federal courts, not state courts, because the dollars used are federal dollars.
That said, it’s entirely clear, given the state’s suggestion these dollars will also flow through non-profit providers, if the injunction would not still apply. However, the state has since removed Planned Parenthood from its website listing contracted condom distributors.
Other changes to the state’s website include removing all mention of priority populations identified by the federal government, according to an internet archive, including the MSM (men who have sex with men) taskforce and the transgender taskforce.
The state’s transgender taskforce specifically came to Governor Lee’s attention because of right-wing attacks on Vanderbilt University medical Center’s gender affirming care clinic in later 2022. Vanderbilt receives some state dollars to provide a wide variety of care, not just HIV-related services or gender affirming care for transgender and non-binary people. Conversations with local advocates found a broad understanding the Governor’s commitment to “investigate” Vanderbilt and the entity’s use of state dollars, which would have readily disclosed the CDC’s designated priority populations to include transgender people and which entities are funded by the CDC’s grants.
Tennessee service providers funded by these federal dollars have voiced their concerns repeatedly through media interviews, some specifically pointing towards how this disruption will also be detrimental to the state’s response to the opioid epidemic.
It is currently unclear how much Tennessee’s new health commissioner, former state-Senator from Kentucky Dr. Ralph Alvarado, had a hand to play in these developments. While Alvarado officially began his duties just a couple of weeks ago, he was appointed by Governor Lee in November. Alvarado’s voting record and public statements show animus toward transgender people and abortion access, with him voting to bar transgender girls from playing on sports teams and to increase various abortions restrictions in Kentucky’s 2022 legislative session. When Alvarado was introduced to the Tennessee Senate’s Health and Welfare Committee on Wednesday, January 25, 2023, rather than the typical meet and greet type hearing, Senator Jeff Yarbro, who has a personal connection to HIV, asked Alvarado about the changes and was met with a regurgitation of the state’s letter to health departments. Alvarado is expected to return to the Committee in March, even as time ticks down.
Senator Yarbro and Representative John Clemmons have introduced state legislation which would require Tennessee to pursue and accept federal dollars “to implement programs for the prevention, testing, and treatment of” HIV. These bills largely mirror state statutes which require states pursue all federal dollars made available to state unemployment insurance funds. They make sense on the surface, if federal dollars are available for programming important to the residents of a state, the state should be pursuing those dollars first. The bills, in an already packed legislative session and a hyper-partisan atmosphere, are not likely to pass.
Additionally, Tennessee Representative Steve Cohen (TN9-D) publicized a formal request to Health and Human Services Secretary, Xavier Becerra, about redirecting funding through county health departments to circumvent the state’s moves. The request also copied the CDC’s Director, Dr. Rochelle Walensky.
As of yet, news reports seeking to touch base with the CDC on the status of these changes have found the CDC has not yet been notified of Tennessee’s withdrawal from these funding mechanisms. Without formal notification, those dollars will renew automatically at the end of the grant year.
Part of the struggle in nailing down exactly the extent of the impact refusing these federal dollars will create is the complicated structure behind providing services and funding those employees who provide those services. For many entities funded by multiple streams of federal dollars, employees, measured in grant language as “full-time equivalent” (FTE), may have related duties in which each duty under their job description is funded by separate grants. For example, in a federally qualified health center (FQHC) providing counseling, testing, education, linkage to care, and HIV treatment services, a single employee might be funded by one grant to provide counseling and testing while also being funded by another grant to link patients to care when a test comes back reactive or doing what’s known as partner notification (an activity performed with the participation of a newly diagnosed patient but designed to maintain the patient’s anonymity, if they so desire). Similarly, state disease surveillance infrastructure might employ one or two data analysts to compile data on a number of conditions, each of those conditions funded by separate grants, even though the employee doing the work is the same. So, if said analyst is examining reports on HIV diagnoses one day, another day they might be examining particular sexually transmitted infections – both activities funded by different federal grants. Surveillance activities also include things like monitoring PrEP uptake, a distinctly prevention activity.
Directly speaking to the duties which might be dually funded by multiple grants, the treatment, linkage-to-care, and re-engagement in care activities a FQHC employee might be engaging in will impact people living with HIV, not just those seeking prevention services. This does nothing to speak of health care providers or their support staff who also see their salaries dually funded. So while Tennessee’s refusal of federal prevention dollars does not directly hit funding streams tied to the Ryan White CARE Act grantees, subrecipients, and contracted service providers, PLWHA may well still an impact in the quality of treatment services provided to them due to staffing changes, including those support services which are dually funded for prevention and treatment.
Adding one last layer of complication onto matters, it is also not known how much of Tennessee’s prevention programming generates 340B revenues and savings, which would typically be directed back into prevention programming. Those dollars, if any (there are certainly significant sums involved as each grant requires the recipient, subrecipient, and contractors to propose revenue generating activities and 340B is considered a significant source of those revenue dollars), will be gone from the state’s health ecosystem. With Tennessee also pointing at redirecting dollars from other state initiatives, there’s good reason to believe some, if not all, of those suggested dollars might be from state programs generating 340B revenues. All of that means other programming benefitting from 340B rebates would then see a reduction of programmatic dollars for those programs – whichever they might be. And there’s reason to believe that might be what’s happening, if we look at what New York is proposing in terms of the state usurping 340B revenues to prop up its budget at the expense of grantee service providers who have come to rely upon those monies to meet the needs of patients. Certainly, redirecting 340B revenues to fill budgetary shortfalls from any state away from service providers who are expected to produce accounting as part of their federal grantee status does not serve the intent of the 340B program, “stretch scarce federal resources as far as possible, reaching more eligible patients and providing more comprehensive care.” In order to stretch federal resources, those federal resources must be there to begin with.
With questions remaining on exactly how Tennessee, which up until now, has not directly funded those programs which have been federally funded, advocates and service providers remain nervous about how this whole thing shakes out. Even if there were private interests ready to “save the day” by providing stop-gap funding, those same private interests cannot fund state surveillance activities. There will be a gap, regardless of efforts to fill the gaps that manifest as a result of these types of reckless moves. And those gaps, created on ideological lines and conspiracy theories, might well be something other states pick up on – a fear many advocates, local and national, have looking forward. What is clear, regardless of why one finds themselves as stakeholders in this space, active efforts to fortify both prevention and treatment funding and services are direly needed.
Without prevention properly funded, fewer people will be testing or linked to PrEP. Without testing and PrEP, fewer people will be linked to care upon diagnosis. Without diagnosis, fewer people will receive the treatment and support services necessary to achieve viral suppression. Without treatment and support services, more diagnoses will occur.
Our ecosystem is fragile and very carefully built. Removing one key component risks destroying all of our progress and returning us to a very localized version of the AIDS crisis.
Special Interests Favor S.4395, but Patients Oppose It...Here's Why
This blog post is a collaborative piece, co-written by Brandon M. Macsata, CEO of ADAP Advocacy Association, and Jen Laws, CEO of Community Access National Network.
The very first words of the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Treatment Extension Act of 2009 read, “An Act to amend title XXVI of the Public Health Service Act to revise and extend the program for providing life-saving care for those with HIV/AIDS.” These words reflect the true legislative intent of the Act, which is to provide life-saving care and treatment for people with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA). For over thirty years, these words have represented a contract between our government and PLWHA, reflecting a commitment to patients. The Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program (RWHAP), as the payor of last resort, has literally served as the only lifeline for hundreds of thousands of patients in some of the most marginalized communities. That is why the ADAP Advocacy Association and the Community Access National Network (CANN) have led a national advocacy campaign to thwart any effort to undermine the legislative intent.
A proposed bill, S.4395 (otherwise known as the "Ryan White PrEP Availability Act"), would, for the first time in the 32-year history of this life-saving contract, open the Act to divert programmatic funding from PLWHA to people who are not living with HIV. The legislation is not only ill-conceived, it is potentially very dangerous. The special interests behind this legislation, as well as their inside-the-beltway lobbying tactics, do not reflect the general sense of the much broader HIV patient advocacy community.
In fact, nearly 100 national, state, and local organizations joined the ADAP Advocacy Association and Community Access National Network in submitting a sign-on letter to Congress expressing the HIV patient advocacy community's collective concerns over the legislation. The sign-on letter was sent to Chair and Ranking Member of the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor & Pensions (HELP), Chair and Ranking Member of the House Committee on Energy & Commerce (E&C), and the Co-Chairs of the Congressional HIV/AIDS Caucus. Several of these offices applauded our efforts upon acknowledging receipt of the letter.
David Pable, who has been deeply embedded in South Carolina's patient advocacy community, expressed strong sentiments against the legislation. Pable said, "For almost 20 years, Ryan White has been a lifeline for me, and it was truly the safety net that saved my life. Ryan White-funded medical care, case management, and mental healthcare services have transform my life and the lives of countless others to survive and thrive." Pable's views are shared by nearly all PLWHA who learn about the potential danger lurking behind S.4395.
Over the years, Pable had the opportunity to be involved in many planning meetings for prevention services, including the need for an adequate PrEP program with dedicated funding. According to Pable, never in any of those meetings was it discussed as a good idea to funnel funding from the Ryan White Program to pay for PrEP. "Treatment, care and prevention make up three sides of the triangle," he said. "Together they each hold up the other, but take one piece away to support the other and eventually it will all fall apart."
S.4395 would authorize the Health Resources & Services Administration (HRSA) to divert already limited resources away from providing care and treatment for PLWHA. The legislation reads, in part, "Any eligible area, State, or public or private nonprofit entity that receives a grant under part A, B, C, or D may use program income received from such a grant to provide to individuals who are at risk of acquiring HIV... drugs and biological products for pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP)... medical, laboratory, and counseling services related to such drugs and biological products...and referrals and linkages to appropriate services for the prevention of HIV."
The legislation is extremely ill-advised for numerous reasons. Amending the Ryan White Program (Pub.L. 101-381) would:
Open-up the law, (which is currently unauthorized) and thus subject it to potentially harmful changes in a hyper-partisan political environment.
Change the purpose of the law, in that the purpose of the Ryan White Program is serving people living with HIV/AIDS.
Create yet another access barrier for the approximately 400,000 PLWHA who are not in care.
Further isolate PLWHA who are already disproportionally impacted by homelessness, hunger, substance use disorder, and undiagnosed and/or untreated mental health conditions.
Impede Ending the HIV Epidemic's efforts to both increase enrollment and expand services for low-income PLWHA, especially since discretionary funding is already limited.
Unfortunately, special interests continue to push false narratives in their efforts to shove the harmful legislation through the Congress. Probably one of the most egregious claims, “The bill’s intent and text doesn’t take money from people living with HIV.” This is false!
Indeed, legislative language reads, “To allow grantees under the HIV Health Care Services Program to allocate a portion of such funding for services to individuals at risk of acquiring HIV.” While subsection “B” of the legislation entitles the program as “voluntary” and to not allow federal grant dollars for the use of funding PrEP or PrEP services, it would allow federal grant dollars to be used for referrals – explicitly providing funding for people not living with HIV.
Photo Source: oncnursingnews.com
More concerning, special interests supporting the legislation conflate programmatic revenue as not grant dollars, as a somehow meaningful distinction. There is no difference in this distinction because each funded RWHAP recipient and subrecipient is required under current law to use their programmatic revenue to support providing services included in the grant – for people living with HIV. The design of these programs are significantly dependent on revenues generated from the 340B Drug Discount Program (340B) in order to meet the goals outlined in each of the grants.
And that gets to the heart of the issue here. 340B's intent was “to stretch scarce federal resources as far as possible, reaching more eligible patients and providing more comprehensive services.” The program, amid much criticism, allows federal grants funding public health programs count on 340B revenues in order to show they can operate a sustainable program.
Let's be clear: S.4395 would divert RWHAP programmatic revenues – including 340B dollars – away from providing services and supports to PLWHA who are living at or below 400% of the federal poverty level (the income threshold for qualifying as eligible for receiving RWHAP funded services). It is important to remember that more than 50% of the patients receiving care from the State AIDS Drug Assistance Program are living at or below 100% of the federal poverty level. More than 250,000 patients, or approximately one quarter of all the estimated people living with HIV in the United States are earning less than $13,000 per year.
Kathie Hiers, President & CEO of AIDS Alabama argued, "The HIV community needs to get its act together around funding for PrEP. We have been told by the Director of the Office of National AIDS Policy that our messaging is not cohesive. At AIDS Alabama, we understand that stable PrEP programs are absolutely necessary if we ever hope to end HIV as an epidemic. However, raiding the Ryan White Program to fund prevention is not the answer, particularly as the needs of an aging HIV-positive population continue to grow."
As it stands, gaps in care still remain for too many marginalized communities. It isn't uncommon for patients to fall out of care because they have to prioritize work, or child care, or buying food, or finding affordable housing, or finding transportation. Funding to meet the needs for these patients is already stretched way too thin and the current inflationary pressures have only made things harder for far too many PLWHA. There are tens of thousands of people living with HIV who have no roof over their heads when they try to find a safe spot to sleep tonight.
Photo Source: debralmorrison.com
Robbing Peter to pay Paul is not the solution to funding HIV prevention efforts in the United States. A better option to meet the needs of people who would benefit from PrEP, and that is additional HIV prevention funding. This approach would allow patient choice in medicines and support for ancillary services, provider education and outreach. Additionally, HIV prevention funding could be directed to communities that are most in need of prevention medicines and services, thereby providing more equitable access. This approach would also use and could strengthen the existing HIV prevention infrastructure.
One local health department official (who asked to remain anonymous) in Florida said the people behind the legislation did not understand the nuances between funding for HIV prevention and HIV treatment. We couldn't agree more!
The HIV+Hepatitis Policy Institute's Carl Schmid summarized, "It's not an issue of not wanting clinics that receive Ryan White Program funding to be engaged in PrEP, we think they are the perfect places for PrEP to be delivered. It is an issue of taking funding generated from caring and treating for people living with HIV away from the intended purpose of the Ryan White Program – to provide for people living with HIV. With so many people with HIV living longer, who are not in care or have fallen out of care, you would think that these Ryan White grantees would devote that money to people who are living with HIV, as it was intended."
With more than a decade of science to back the position that effectively treating PLWHA, ensuring viral suppression both empowers positive health outcomes for PLWHA and prevents new transmissions. One of the most startling and, frankly, concerning shifts in the public policy conversation regarding Ending the [domestic] HIV Epidemic is a move away from focusing on the needs of PLWHA in favor of PrEP. The policy issues at hand, including the necessary funding, should not be proposed as an “either/or” situation, but an “and” situation. The same things that make a person vulnerable to contracting HIV are the same things that are killing people already living with HIV.
While the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) 2020 Surveillance data found 70% of white PLWHA were virally suppressed, only 60% of their Black/African American peers were virally suppressed. Additionally, while the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) reported a general homelessness rate across the country as about 0.2% of the population, the CDC’s 2019 data found that PLWHA among communities of color were experiencing homelessness at a rate of 11%. It cannot be understated how the power RWHAP dollars hold to address these disparities specifically affecting patients. Failing to do so not only betrays the contract at the center of the legislative intent, it perpetuates injustices levied against our peers, our family, and our community. Raiding precious dollars from this program is nothing short of consenting to the unjust neglect of our communities.
Said Murray Penner, U.S. Executive Director for Prevention Access Campaign: "The Ryan White Program is crucial for people living with HIV, providing treatment and supportive services to keep people healthy and undetectable so they will not sexually transmit HIV. With over 400,000 people living with HIV in the U.S. who are not virally suppressed, there is significant unmet need for additional services. S.4395 would move money out of the Ryan White Program, potentially leaving people without the crucial treatment and services that keep them healthy and prevent new transmissions. Ensuring that the Ryan White Program is fully funded is critical for us to improve the quality of life for people living with HIV and thus improve our country's viral suppression rate and help us end the HIV epidemic."
A cornerstone of the HIV patient advocacy community's success over the last 40 years has been its desire to come together for a common purpose, which has centered around the notion of do no harm! S.4395 and the special interests and inside-the-beltway lobbyists pushing it have failed to meet that test. Raiding Ryan White programmatic funding for PrEP would negatively impact patients. Trying to authorize or amend an already underfunded program, when there is still so much unmet need in its originally intended population, undermines the goals of the program. If we try to be everything to everyone, we will end up failing on all fronts. The powers that be in Congress have assured us that this legislation "ain't going anywhere" this year!