War-Torn Ukraine Beats U.S. on Integrated Addiction Care
At Strizhavka Detention Center in central Ukraine, vending machines dispense clean syringes to inmates while Russian missiles target infrastructure just hours away. It's a remarkable scene: a country under active invasion operates one of the world's most progressive harm reduction networks, achieving an 81% reduction in AIDS mortality since 2010 and zero new HIV infections in prisons with needle exchange programs. Meanwhile, the United States continues to trap vulnerable patients in a fragmented maze of disconnected systems that increases costs, worsens outcomes, and reflects a fundamental failure of political will to prioritize evidence-based care coordination over institutional preservation and stigma-driven policy making.
Ukraine has mastered what public health experts call syndemic response—addressing the interconnected epidemics of substance use disorders, HIV, hepatitis C, and tuberculosis through innovative, integrated solutions. In war-torn Ukraine, where Russian missiles regularly destroy infrastructure, a person with opioid addiction can access methadone through any pharmacy with a prescription and receive 30-day take-home supplies during crisis periods. In Louisiana, that same person might spend months navigating separate systems for addiction treatment, HIV care, and basic healthcare—if they can access treatment at all. While Ukraine maintains comprehensive services under active invasion, Louisiana saw drug overdose deaths quintuple from 401 to 2,376 between 2017 and 2022. This divergence reveals a fundamental truth: healthcare fragmentation represents a policy choice, not an inevitability.
Ukraine's Integrated Model: Coordination Under Fire
Ukraine operates Europe's most comprehensive harm reduction network, serving 250,000+ vulnerable people through coordinated government-civil society partnerships. The system's architecture connects HIV testing, hepatitis C screening, opioid substitution therapy (OST), and substance use disorder treatment into one seamless framework coordinated by the Alliance for Public Health Ukraine.
Beyond Strizhavka, the integration model extends across the country's correctional system. The Free Zone organization now operates similar programs in 56 Ukrainian prisons, a radical departure from punitive approaches that have defined American corrections. Ukraine trains incarcerated people as peer counselors, with 77 certified social workers among more than 400 inmates trained through the program.
Mobile testing units exemplify the wraparound approach. Inside vans parked outside Kyiv methadone clinics, social workers help clients test themselves while offering take-home tests for partners—a simple intervention that dramatically expands testing reach. One client, Mykolai, can earn small payments for testing and receive cards to distribute to friends, slowly building a self-sustaining testing network that operates independently of formal healthcare systems.
War forced remarkable adaptations that reveal the system's flexibility. Solar panels now power clinics to ensure uninterrupted service during blackouts. The HelpNOW digital platform coordinates care for 30,000+ displaced Ukrainians across 52 countries, ensuring treatment continuity despite massive population displacement. As one incarcerated person described the transformation, "civilization came to this place" through these integrated services.
Louisiana as U.S. Fragmentation Case Study
Louisiana exemplifies how U.S. system fragmentation creates insurmountable barriers for vulnerable patients despite having what advocates describe as "one of the best coordination of care situations across the country." The state serves 22,920 people living with HIV across a fragmented regional system where Ryan White programs operate across Regions 3-9 for Part B funds, with separate Part A grants for Greater New Orleans and Baton Rouge, and Parts C and D funded at local clinic and community organization levels.
This multi-layered approach creates coordination nightmares where patients must navigate different systems depending on their geographic location and specific service needs. The fragmentation's impact is clear, as CANN CEO Jen Laws explains: "One of our biggest barriers in this country is that the segregation of our programs do not encourage engagement in care. Indeed, they create such administrative burden on the patient alone that people fall out of care all the time. When someone goes to a space they're supposed to trust, the 'experts' managing their care, with a problem and get told to run around more and more and more, trust disintegrates. Getting the care you need shouldn't be a full-time job.”
The human cost manifests in stories like Jessica Baudean and Terry Asevado, methadone patients who face extraordinary barriers to daily treatment access. Baudean, who is disabled and lives in Avondale, must rely on Medicaid transportation when available or have Asevado push her wheelchair 1.4 miles to the nearest bus stop, then spend an hour taking two buses to reach the only clinic on the city's East Bank authorized to dispense their medication. If they arrive even a minute past noon, they miss their dose. If they miss a dose, they may be denied the next one—a punitive approach that penalizes the very disability and transportation barriers the system creates. When Asevado was arrested in Jefferson Parish, Baudean described her partner's inevitable suffering: "Poor Terry, I know he's still going to be sick right now." The Jefferson Parish Sheriff's Office lacks coordination with local methadone clinics despite federal regulations permitting continued treatment, forcing people in custody into painful and dangerous withdrawal.
Nationally, only 39% of Ryan White clients have Medicaid as their primary payer, indicating massive gaps in coverage coordination. Research reveals that fragmented care costs $4,542 more annually per patient—$10,396 versus $5,854 for coordinated systems. Patients face duplicative eligibility verification, inconsistent prior authorization requirements, and limited data sharing between systems, with 73% of insured adults performing administrative healthcare tasks annually.
For returning citizens—formerly incarcerated people—the barriers multiply exponentially. Despite HIV prevalence among incarcerated populations being three times the general population rate, only 18.9% of criminal justice-involved people with substance use disorders receive treatment. Among those released from Texas prisons, just 5% maintain medication continuity within two months, creating catastrophic treatment disruptions precisely when continuity matters most.
Political Backlash and Current Threats
Even traditionally supportive states are retreating from harm reduction while federal policy accelerates toward punitive approaches. Oregon's House Bill 4002 reinstated criminal penalties with up to six months jail time for possession, largely repealing its pioneering decriminalization measure. California voters passed Proposition 36, rolling back criminal justice reforms despite opposition from harm reduction advocates.
Federal policy under the Trump administration has dramatically accelerated this retreat. The Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) announced $11.4 billion cuts to addiction and mental health programs, while the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) faces $1 billion in immediate cuts with 20,000 planned staff reductions. The 2026 budget proposal explicitly criticizes harm reduction, stating SAMHSA grants "funded dangerous activities billed as 'harm reduction.'"
This political momentum contradicts public opinion. Bipartisan polling shows 79% support for medication-assisted treatment and 64% for overdose prevention centers. However, partisan breakdown reveals deep divides that complicate political feasibility, with Democrats supporting overdose prevention centers by 67 points but Republicans by only 2 points.
The resistance reflects deeper currents of moralizing medical conditions like substance use disorders and HIV—a toxic legacy of moral majority politics that treats addiction as moral failing rather than health condition. This moralization couples with America's fetishization of policing and punishment, creating an undercurrent of ill will toward helping people dealing with these issues. Congressional dynamics offer little hope for reversal. House Republicans proposed the provocatively named "Crack is Whack Act" to explicitly ban safe consumption sites nationwide, while the federal "crackhouse statute" continues blocking evidence-based interventions. This political landscape creates a paradox: public health crises that should unite communities instead become wedges for division when filtered through moral judgment rather than medical evidence.
Systemic Barriers and Misaligned Incentives
U.S. healthcare fragmentation persists through structural design flaws embedded in historical decisions that separated substance use treatment from mainstream medicine. This separation created what researchers describe as "insular fields with inadequate communication, coordination, and collaboration." Multiple funding streams—federal, state, and local government (42%), Medicaid (21%), Medicare (5%)—operate under different rules with incompatible requirements.
Financial incentives actively maintain fragmentation. Fee-for-service payment models reimburse discrete services rather than coordinated care, with administrative burden consuming 50% of physician time. Technology failures compound human ones: despite decades of electronic health record adoption, 48% of hospitals share data with other organizations but receive nothing in return.
Worse yet, provider stigma compounds structural barriers. Systematic reviews document that 20-51% of healthcare professionals hold negative attitudes toward people with substance use disorders. Privacy regulations like 42 CFR Part 2—federal rules that create stricter confidentiality protections for substance use treatment records than standard medical records—create additional barriers to integration by requiring separate consent processes and record systems for substance use treatment, despite 2024 reforms aimed at improving coordination.
The Moral Test of Healthcare Policy
Ukraine's wartime harm reduction success exposes American policy failures as choices, not inevitabilities. A country under active invasion maintains better care coordination than the world's wealthiest nation during peacetime. This contrast reveals how political will, not resources, determines outcomes.
Successful integration models do exist within the United States. Vermont's Hub and Spoke model achieves the nation's highest opioid use disorder treatment capacity—10.56 people in treatment per 1,000 population. Nine regional "Hub" clinics provide specialized services while 87+ "Spoke" sites in primary care settings offer office-based treatment, ensuring appropriate care levels while maximizing capacity.
Breaking this deadlock requires acknowledging that healthcare fragmentation reflects deeper societal decisions about who deserves care. Yet even modest reform efforts face existential threats as Congressional Republicans advance unprecedented cuts to programs serving the most vulnerable Americans. The proposed $1.1 trillion in Medicaid reductions would devastate services for 71 million people, prompting callous dismissals from GOP leaders like Senator Mitch McConnell, who told worried colleagues that voters will "get over it" when they lose healthcare coverage. Iowa Senator Joni Ernst doubled down on this cruelty, telling constituents concerned about Medicaid cuts that "we all are going to die" and posting a sarcastic apology video filmed in a cemetery. These responses reveal the moral bankruptcy underlying American healthcare politics—treating life-sustaining programs as political footballs while dismissing the human consequences with shocking indifference.
Ukraine has shown that even under the most challenging circumstances imaginable, integrated care saves lives and money. American policymakers have no excuse for maintaining systems that force vulnerable patients to navigate bureaucratic mazes while their health deteriorates, especially when the alternative being offered is abandoning them entirely through devastating cuts that prioritize tax breaks for the wealthy over basic human dignity.
Xylazine: Advocates, Service Providers on High Alert
As friends to organizations whose missions are primarily centered on harm reduction and as an organization that recognizes and often seeks to break down the silos associated with HIV, Hepatitis C, and Substance Use Disorder as distinctive but intersecting health states, Community Access National Network (CANN) is sometimes skeptical as to “alerts” the United States law enforcement community might offer through various news media. The “rainbow fentanyl” hype from the fall of 2022 speaks to why advocates may find themselves questioning the veracity of these kinds of warnings. However, the issue of xylazine is unfortunately based in very tangible realities for the United States, which have been documented as far back as the 2000’s in Puerto Rico. The prevalence of xylazine is increasing across the country’s street-based drug supply, often times in combination with fentanyl – most significantly complicating efforts to reverse overdoses and causing wounds which are atypical to more common fentanyl or heroin use.
Last week I spent time discussing a friend’s personal (and social) sexual health and as conversation developed they expressed concern over the development of xylazine, sometimes known as “tranq dope” or “down”, becoming more prevalent in the illicit drug trade of their community. Planning for events and even social outtings are requiring them to consider carrying more doses of Narcan on them and they’re noticing a higher demand for fentanyl testing strips. They conveyed a familiarity with the strips being used to ensure the illicit substances being used were indeed fentanyl and not the animal tranquilizer that seems to be driving up fatal overdoses in the surrounding community. Our conversation wrapped up with my friend sharing with me a sentiment another friend had shared, “Crack sucked, opioids suck…but they were a progression. People knew what they were doing. This is innocent. People aren’t making these choices.”
And while some might moralize what making “those” choices might mean, ultimately the best approach to helping folks navigate substance use doesn’t come with judgment but an acceptance that we all cope with the world around us differently. History tells us readily that prohibition movements seldomly achieve their goals and, economically, criminalization is less beneficial than harm reduction measures in curbing illicit substance use. Harm reduction measures, when adequately situated and supported, link people who use drugs to care where wounds may be treated, safe supplies might be obtained, chains of transmission of infectious diseases are identified and interrupted, and, when someone is ready, linkage to substance use counseling is available. It is this intersection of interest where harm reduction and patient advocacy intersect.
Hard-won victories which have helped advocates create safer environments for people who use drugs may not be sufficient for handling this corruption of street supply, as the wounds being associated with xylazine are resulting in amputations, in part because of providers being less familiar with how these wounds are presenting, which may still be present even when someone is not injecting their substance of choice, but swallowing, smoking, or snorting it. Trust in hospital providers is slim because emergency rooms are received as hostile environments which do not typically offer substance use treatment referrals and where people who use drugs often experience provider biases, sometimes resulting in substandard care. Fear of withdrawal is also a compelling factor for avoiding necessary care, as community-based programs are trying to meet the needs of their clients, their communities, mostly on their own.
While Philadelphia’s struggle with xylazine infiltrating the street supply is well documented, other jurisdictions are seeing signs of the tranquilizer. Delaware firmly expects to see 2022’s fatal overdose tally surpass 2021’s, even as provisional data is still being cleaned. Similarly, Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island among several other east coast states have identified xylazine in the local supply as well as fatal overdoses increasing.
In the face of these challenges, House Republicans have asked the Drug Enforcement Agency and (DEA) to “schedule” xylazine and if the agency doesn’t, they might seek legislation to schedule it anyways – a move advocates warn might only make the problem worse. “Scheduling” refers to introducing a specific substance to the “schedule” of illegal and illicit substances maintained under the Controlled Substances Act – thereby adding certain criminal enhancements to the possession, use, and distribution of the tranquilizer. The concern from advocates in such a move is it would encourage further addition of other synthetic adulterators into street supplies, just as we’re learning (and researching) how to handle xylazine. Dr. Ryan Marino, medical director of toxicology and addiction medicine at University Hospitals in Cleveland scolded, “This is more of the same short-sighted and reactionary political grandstanding that may help politicians but won’t help any American citizens and doesn’t solve any of our drug problems.”
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued an alert to health care professionals in November 2022, and the Biden Administration’s other agencies are already beginning to tackle the subject. But, what will it amount to?
Federal and state funding is already largely prohibited from backing safe consumption sites and Canada’s advocate proposal of a “safe supply” would be an ever further stretch for politicians wishing to appear “tough on drugs” (but apparently lacking the empathy and expertise to be helpful to communities struggling with deaths). A congressional Research Service report, also shared in November 2022, offered some answers, ranging from treating safe consumption sites similarly to medical marijuana dispensaries, wherein the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) is prohibited from using resources to seek prosecution of those businesses so long as they comply with state law, lawmakers could opt to fund these sites, giving explicit endorsement of a well-proven intervention that has already saved hundreds of lives in New York, or Congressional leaders or the President might choose to actively pursue criminal litigation and legislation which explicitly outlaw safe consumption sites. The Biden Administration appears to be leaning toward non-enforcement, if the recent updates about the DOJ and Safehouse, an organization in Philadelphia, meeting an “amicable settlement” prove to be fruitful.
Because overdoses of the tranquilizer are also presenting atypically from more traditional fentanyl overdoses, community health workers are noticing Narcan is less effective in reversing these overdoses and even when they are effective, the person experiencing the overdose may not rouse as easily because of the contamination with xylazine. Some have reported oxygen supplements might help in stabilizing someone in need of emergency care in response to an overdose. This would prove an exceptional challenge for street-based workers but certainly something a safe consumption site would be able to have on hand. As states continue to develop their harm reduction policies and empower community-based organizations to respond to these crises, policymakers should evaluate things like ensuring adequate oxygen supplies for these entities and even their community partners (which might include businesses like bars) and increasing allowable and covered purchases of Narcan, as administering the overdose reversal medication is still highly recommended when encountering an overdose.
We urge our partners to keep a close eye on this issue at it continues to develop.
Congress Eyes Equipping Providers to Combat the Opioid Crisis; The MAT Act
A year ago this month, Representative Paul Tonko introduced H.R. 1348 to the House of Representatives and Senator Maggie Hassan (NH) introduced its companion bill, S. 445, to the Senate. Both of these bills hold the short title “Mainstreaming Addiction Treatment Act of 2021”. The House version boasts 239 cosponsors with the Senate version enjoying 3 cosponsors. Both are supported on a bipartisan basis. The most recent action on the MAT Act is Senate “HELP” (Health, education, Labor, and Pensions) Committee hearing on February 1st, 2022, wherein the committee discussed and heard testimony on issues of mental health amid the COVID-19 pandemic.
End Substance Use Disorder, an issue education campaign endorsing the MAT Act, describes the more than a century old policy of outlawing medication assisted treatment as “outdated” and a moralization of a medical condition. Founded by Erin Shanning after her younger brother, Ethan, experienced a fatal overdose, the organization seeks to educate legislative stakeholders and urge action to adopt a more modern and medicalized approach to substance use disorder. The MAT Act removes the prohibition on providers on prescribing certain medications for the treatment of opioid use disorder maintained in the Controlled Substances Act and entirely removes the necessity for the DEA waiver of this prohibition, known as the “X” waiver. According to ESUD is joined by 418 organizations have either directly supported the MAT Act or have voiced support for eliminating the X waiver, including criminal justice and law enforcement entities. For immediate transparency, Community Access National Network is one of those 418 organizations.
This relatively straight-forward bill would help to expand access to care – especially in rural communities, move public policy into better alignment with research-proven best practices, combat racialized public health disparities, better support families, reduce overdose deaths, and more. Directly, the most immediate and significant impact of the MAT Act is an expansion of providers eligible to prescribe medication assisted treatment, specifically including certain community health practitioners. The only apparent opposition to the MAT Act is a group representing the interests of commercial addiction treatment centers.
With overdose deaths having skyrocketed by at least 20% in 2020, relative to 2019, emphasizing the need to press forward with the MAT Act is the least the Biden administration can do to begin to meet its promises around drug reform and health care access. Mental health and substance use service providers still need more support from the federal government in order to meet the need of the moment. Equipping providers with tools like medication assisted treatment, improving (read: increasing) Medicaid reimbursement rates for the treatment of substance use disorder, working to destigmatize the issue of substance use disorder, and more explicitly issuing Department of Justice guidance to family courts, social service organizations, and employers on protections afforded under the Americans with Disabilities Act for people recovering from substance use disorder are the least in a long list of actions this administration can take today.
If you would like to urge your elected representatives to remove barriers to care for clinically-proven, best practices in harm reduction, follow this link and to add your organization’s name to ESUD’s letter of support for the MAT Act, click here.